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;Pre-1892
 
Justices of the Peace had the authority to impose a six-month jail term on anyone carrying a [[handgun]], if the person did not have reasonable cause to fear assault against life or property.
 
  
;[[1892]]
+
== Why Congress Cut The CDC’s Gun Research Budget ==
The first Criminal Code required individuals to have a basic permit, known as a 'certificate of exemption,' to carry a [[pistol]] unless the owner had cause to fear assault or injury. It became an offence to sell a pistol to anyone under 16. Vendors who sold pistols or airguns had to keep a record of the purchaser's name, the date of the sale and information that could identify the gun.
+
  
;[[1913]]
+
The Centers for Disease Control was using taxpayer money to pay for biased advocacy studies about guns and gun control.
Carrying a handgun outside the home or place of business without a permit could result in a three-month sentence. It became an offence to transfer a [[firearm]] to any person under the age of 16, or for a person under 16 to buy one. The first specific search, seizure and forfeiture powers for firearms and other weapons were created.
+
  
;[[1919]]-[[1920]]
+
Not long ago, after the mass shooting in Sandy Hook, President Obama issued an executive order that lifted the Center for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) ban on researching gun violence. Despite this, some say the CDC has still not touched gun violence because Congress has blocked funding for this.
A Criminal Code amendment required individuals to obtain a permit to possess a firearm, regardless of where the firearm was kept. These permits were available from a magistrate, a chief of police or the RCMP. British subjects did not need a permit for [[shotguns]] or [[rifles]] they already owned; they only needed one for newly acquired firearms. Permits were valid for one year within the issuing province. The Criminal Code did not provide for a central registry; records were maintained at the local level.
+
  
;[[1921]]
+
Congress removed the CDC’s $2.6 million budget for research into this subject in 1997, after the National Rifle Association (NRA) asked for congressional intervention. But why?
A Criminal Code amendment repealed the requirement for everyone in possession of a firearm to have a permit. Instead, only 'aliens' needed a permit to possess firearms. (British subjects still needed a permit to carry pistols or handguns).
+
  
;[[1932]]-[[1933]]
+
If you were to ask [https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/storyline/wp/2015/01/14/why-the-cdc-still-isnt-researching-gun-violence-despite-the-ban-being-lifted-two-years-ago/ mainstream media outlets that have weighed in], they would tell you the NRA and gun-rights advocates are afraid of what the studies would find, and that the ban came after a damning study concluded guns do cause violence. For this reason gun-rights advocates lobbied to effectively ban the CDC from conducting research on firearm violence altogether.
Specific requirements were added for issuing [[handgun permit]]s. Before this, applicants only had to be of 'discretion and good character.' They now also had to give reasons for wanting a handgun. Permits could only be issued to protect life or property, or for using a firearm at an approved shooting club. The minimum age for possessing firearms was lowered from 16 to 12 years. Other changes included the creation of the first mandatory minimum consecutive sentence - 2 years for the possession of a handgun or concealable firearm while committing an offence. The punishment for carrying a handgun outside the home or place of business was increased from 3 months to a maximum of 5 years.
+
  
;[[1934]]
+
Firstly, CDC was not banned from doing the research. In fact, CDC articles pertaining to firearms have [http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2014/02/27/study-aims-to-shoot-down-media-narrative-on-firearms-research.html?intcmp=latestnews held steady since the defunding], and even increased to 121 in 2013.
The first real [[registration]] requirement for handguns was created. Before then, when a permit holder bought a handgun, the person who issued the permit was notified. The new provisions required records identifying the owner, the owner's address and the firearm. These records were not centralized. Registration certificates were issued and records were kept by the Commissioner of the RCMP or by police departments that provincial Attorneys General had designated as firearms registries.
+
  
;[[1938]]
+
CDC very recently released a [http://dhss.delaware.gov/dhss/dms/files/cdcgunviolencereport10315.pdf 16-page report] that was commissioned by the city council of Wilmington, Delaware, on factors contributing to its abnormally high gun crime, and methods of prevention. The study weighed factors such as where the guns were coming from, the sex of the offenders, likeliness of committing a gun crime, and how unemployment plays a factor. In other words it studied, the environment surrounding the crime.
Handguns had to be re-registered every five years, starting in 1939. (Initially, certificates had been valid indefinitely). While guns did not require [[serial numbers]], it became an offence to alter or deface numbers (S.C.1938, c.44). The mandatory 2-year minimum sentence provision was extended to include the possession of any type of firearm, not just handguns and concealable firearms, while committing an offence. The minimum age was raised from 12 to 14 years. The first '[[minor's permit]]' was created to allow persons under 14 to have access to firearms.
+
  
;[[1939]]-[[1944]]
+
This did not go over well with some in the media, who were disappointed it didn’t implicate firearms as a cause and not an effect. [http://www.vice.com/read/the-cdc-just-released-a-gun-violence-study-that-doesnt-study-guns-122 Kate Masters] of VICE.com wrote, “If the CDC wasn’t going to consider the role of firearms in Wilmington’s gun crimes, why do the study at all?” That sounds an awful lot like, “If you have nothing bad to say about guns, then don’t say anything.
Re-registration was postponed because of World War II. During the war years, rifles and shotguns had to be registered. This was discontinued after the war ended.
+
  
;[[1947]]
+
Regardless, the narrative here is that gun lobbyists are injecting politics into a serious health issue for the American public. The truth is something a bit less clandestine, at least coming from NRA and Congress.
The Criminal Code provisions dealing with 'constructive murder' were expanded to include any case where a death resulted from the possession or use of any weapon, including any firearm, during the commission of an offence, even if the offender did not intend to kill.
+
  
;[[1950]]
+
== CDC Leaders Admit They Want to Ban Guns ==
The Criminal Code was amended so that firearm owners no longer had to renew registration certificates. Certificates became valid indefinitely.
+
  
;[[1951]]
+
In the late ’80s and early ’90s, the [http://drgo.us/?p=1134 CDC was openly biased] in opposing gun rights. CDC official and research head Patrick O’Carroll stated in a 1989 issue of The Journal of the American Medical Association, “We’re going to systematically build a case that owning firearms causes deaths.” This sounds more like activist rhetoric than it does scientific research, as O’Carroll effectively set out with the goal of confirmation bias, saying “We will prove it,” and not the scientific objectiveness of asking “Does it?”
The registry system for handguns was centralized under the Commissioner of the RCMP for the first time. [[Automatic firearms]] were added to the category of firearms that had to be registered. These firearms now had to have [[serial numbers]]. The 2-year mandatory minimum sentence created in 1932-33 was repealed after a [[1949]] Supreme Court decision (R. v. Quon) found that it did not apply to common crimes such as armed robbery.
+
  
;[[1968]]-[[1969]]
+
{{quote|‘It used to be that smoking was a glamour symbol — cool, sexy, macho. Now it is dirty, deadly — and banned.’}}
The categories of '[[firearm]],' '[[restricted weapon]]' and '[[prohibited weapon]]' were created for the first time. This ended confusion over specific types of weapons and allowed the creation of specific legislative controls for each of the new categories. The new definitions included powers to designate weapons to be prohibited or restricted by Order-in-Council. The minimum age to get a minor's permit to possess firearms was increased to 16. For the first time, police had preventive powers to search for firearms and seize them if they had a warrant from a judge, and if they had reasonable grounds to believe that possession endangered the safety of the owner or any other person, '''even though no offence had been committed'''. The current registration system, requiring a separate registration certificate for each restricted weapon, took effect in 1969.
+
O’Carroll went on to deny he had said this, claiming he was misquoted. However, his successor and director of the CDC National Center of Injury Prevention branch Mark Rosenberg told Rolling Stone in 1993 that he “envisions a long term campaign, similar to tobacco use and auto safety, to convince Americans that guns are, first and foremost, a public health menace.” He went on to tell the [https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/opinions/1994/10/19/sick-people-with-guns/6c7f2bd2-fa57-4d69-b927-5ceb4fa43cf4/ ''Washington Post'' in 1994] “We need to revolutionize the way we look at guns, like what we did with cigarettes. It used to be that smoking was a glamour symbol — cool, sexy, macho. Now it is dirty, deadly — and banned.
  
;[[1976]]
+
CDC leaders were not shy about their intentions of banning guns from the public. Sure enough, they acted on their desires. In October 1993, The ''New England Journal of Medicine'' [http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199310073291506 released a study] funded by the CDC to the tune of $1.7 million, entitled “Gun Ownership as a Risk Factor for Homicide in the Home.The leader author was Dr. Arthur Kellermann, an epidemiologist, physician, and outspoken advocate of gun control.
[[Bill C-83]] was introduced. Its proposals included: new offences and stricter penalties for the criminal misuse of firearms; and the prohibition of [[fully automatic firearms]]. It also proposed a [[licensing]] system requiring anyone aged 18 or older to get a licence to acquire or possess firearms or [[ammunition]]. (Those under 18 were eligible only for minors' permits). The licensing provisions were based on the concept that people should have to show fitness and responsibility before being allowed to use firearms. To this end, Bill-83 would have required licence applicants to include statements from two persons who were willing to guarantee the applicant's fitness. The Bill died on the Order Paper in [[July 1976]].
+
  
;[[1977]]
+
In the study, Kellerman concluded that people who kept guns in their homes were 2.7 times more likely to be homicide victims as people who don’t. Major media outlets, such as the [http://www.nytimes.com/2013/02/03/opinion/sunday/dangerous-gun-myths.html ''New York Times''], still cite these statistics.
[[Bill C-51]] passed in the House of Commons. It then received Senate approval and Royal Assent on [[August 5]]. The two biggest changes included requirements for [[Firearms Acquisition Certificate]]s (FACs) and requirements for Firearms and Ammunition Business Permits. And, for the first time, [[Chief Firearms Officer]] positions were introduced in the provinces. Other changes included provisions dealing with new offences, search and seizure powers, increased penalties, and new definitions for prohibited and restricted weapons. Fully automatic weapons became classified as prohibited firearms unless they had been registered as restricted weapons before [[January 1]], 1978. Individuals could no longer carry a restricted weapon to protect property. Mandatory minimum sentences were re-introduced. This time, they were in the form of a 1-14 year consecutive sentence for the actual use (not mere possession) of a firearm to commit an indictable offence.
+
  
;[[1978]]
+
Unreliable Gun Research
All of the provisions contained in Bill C-51 came into force, except for the requirements for FACs and for Firearms and Ammunition Business Permits.
+
However, the research was beyond flawed. For one, Kellermann used epidemiological methods in an attempt to investigate an issue dealing with criminology. In effect, this means he was treating gun violence the same as, say, the spread of West Nile, or bird flu.
  
;[[1979]]
+
{{quote|It provided no proof or examples that the murder weapon used in these crimes belonged to the homeowner or had been kept in that home.}}
The requirements for FACs and Firearms and Ammunition Business Permits came into force. Both involved the screening of applicants and record-keeping systems. Provinces were given the option of requiring FAC applicants to take a [[firearm safety course]].
+
Furthermore, the gun victims he studied were anomalies. They were selected from homicide victims living in metropolitan areas with high gun-crime statistics, which completely discounted the statistical goliath of areas where gun owners engage in little to no crime.
  
;[[1990]]
+
Other factors that lent to the study’s unreliability were: It is based entirely on people murdered in their homes, with 50 percent admitting this was the result of a “quarrel or romantic triangle,” and 30 percent said it was during a drug deal or other felonies such as rape or burglary; it made no consideration for guns used in self-defense; it provided no proof or examples that the murder weapon used in these crimes belonged to the homeowner or had been kept in that home.
[[Bill C-80]] was introduced but died on the Order Paper. (Many of the proposals contained in Bill C-80 were later included in Bill C-17). Among the major changes proposed by Bill C-80 were: the prohibition of automatic firearms that had been converted to semi-automatics to avoid the 1978 prohibition; the creation of new controls for other types of military or para-military firearms; and better screening of FAC applicants.
+
  
;[[1991]]-[[1994]]
+
These problems prompted objections and questions from leading scientists in the field of criminology, such as Yale University professor John Lott, Florida State’s Gary Kleck, and University of Massachusetts sociology professors James D. Wright and Peter H. Rossi. Their research had come to vastly different conclusions, and they found the methodology unsound.
[[Bill C-17]] was introduced. It passed in the House of Commons on [[November 7]], received Senate approval and Royal Assent on [[December 5]], 1991, then came into force between [[1992]] and 1994. Changes to the FAC system included requiring applicants to provide a photograph and two references; imposing a mandatory 28-day waiting period for an FAC; a mandatory requirement for safety training; and expanding the application form to provide more background information. Bill C-17 also required a more detailed screening check of FAC applicants.
+
  
Some other major changes included: increased penalties for firearm-related crimes; new Criminal Code offences; new definitions for prohibited and restricted weapons; new regulations for firearms dealers; clearly defined regulations for the [[safe storage]], handling and transportation of firearms; and a requirement that firearm regulations be drafted for review by Parliamentary committee before being made by Governor-in-Council. A major focus of the new legislation was the need for controls on military, para-military and high-firepower guns. New controls in this area included the prohibition of large-capacity [[cartridge]] [[magazines]] for automatic and [[semi-automatic firearm]]s, the prohibition of automatic firearms that had been converted to avoid the 1978 prohibition (existing owners were exempted); and a series of Orders-in-Council prohibiting or restricting most para-military rifles and some types of non-sporting ammunition.
+
As Lott says of Kellermann’s study in his book, “More Guns, Less Crime”:
  
The Bill C-17 requirement for FAC applicants to show knowledge of the safe handling of firearms came into force in 1994. To demonstrate knowledge, applicants had to pass the test for a firearms safety course approved by a provincial Attorney General, or a firearms officer had to certify that the applicant was competent in handling firearms safely.
+
{{quote|To demonstrate this, suppose that we use the same statistical method—with a matching control group—to do a study on the efficacy of hospital care. Assume that we collect data just as these authors did, compiling a list of all the people who died in a particular county over the period of a year. Then we ask their relatives whether they had been admitted to the hospital during the previous year. We also put together a control sample consisting of neighbors who are part of the same sex, race, and age group. Then we ask these men and women whether they have been in a hospital during the past year. My bet is that those who spent time in hospitals are much more likely to have died — quite probably a stronger relationship than that between homicides and gun ownership in Kellerman’s study. If so, would we take that as evidence that hospitals kill people?
 +
He summarized, “it’s like comparing 100 people who went to a hospital in a given year with 100 similar people who did not, finding that more of the hospital patients died, and then announcing that hospitals increase the risk of death.”}}
  
Bill C-17 added a requirement that safety courses had to cover firearms laws as well as safety issues.
+
The final nail in the coffin came in 1995 when the Injury Prevention Network Newsletter told its readers to “organize a picket at gun manufacturing sites” and to “work for campaign finance reform to weaken the gun lobby’s political clout.” Appearing on the same page as the article pointing the finger at gun owners for the Oklahoma City bombing were the words, “This newsletter was supported in part by Grant #R49/CCR903697-06 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
  
After the 1993 federal election, the new Government indicated its intention to proceed with further controls, including some form of licensing and registration system that would apply to all firearms and their owners. Provincial and Federal officials met several times between January and July to define issues relating to universal licensing and registration proposals.
+
Tax Dollars Shouldn’t Aim to Influence Politics
 +
After these blatant attempts at gun control, the NRA blew the whistle on the CDC and prompted Congress to take action. They did, stripping CDC’s funding for research into firearm crime.
  
Between [[August 1994]] and [[February 1995]], policy options were defined for a new firearms control scheme, and new legislation was drafted.
+
{{quote|Political bias was already present, and the NRA and Congress acted to remove it.}}
 +
Those who accuse the NRA, Republicans, and gun advocates of attempting to inject their political bias into federal research on gun crime are not telling the whole story. With the picture complete, we can see that political bias was already present, and the NRA and Congress had acted to remove it.
  
;[[1995]]
+
In effect, the CDC was using taxpayer money to inject a biased and false narrative into the American discussion on firearms. It wasn’t doing research, it was creating propaganda.
[[Bill C-68]] was introduced on [[February 14]]. Senate approval and Royal Assent were granted on [[December 5]], 1995. Major changes include:
+
  
:Criminal Code amendments providing harsher penalties for certain serious crimes where firearms are used- for example, kidnapping, murder;
+
CDC was being used as a political tool to become the Center for Gun Control, and while there are firearm-related elements the CDC’s expertise would be well-suited for (take the Wilmington report, for instance), the subject of gun crime should not be turned into an epidemiological issue.
:the creation of the [[Firearms Act]], to take the administrative and regulatory aspects of the licensing and registration system out of the Criminal Code;
+
:a new licensing system to replace the FAC system; licences required to possess and acquire firearms, and to buy ammunition;
+
:[[Canadian long gun registry|registration of all firearms, including shotguns and rifles]]
+
  
The Chief Firearms Officer was tasked with issuing firearm licences, and the Firearms Registrar, registration certificates. The Registrar is responsible, among other things, for registering firearms owned by individuals and businesses.
+
A gun will not give you cancer, nor cause you to contract AIDS. Guns do not carry viruses like mosquitos. Gun crime should be dealt with as the thing that it is: crime.
  
Provision is also made in the FA for the appointment of ten Chief Firearms Officers, that is, one for each province, with some provinces also including a territory. Chief Firearms Officers can be appointed by the provincial or the federal government. Be they appointed federally or provincially, Chief Firearms Officers are responsible for such things as issuing, renewing, and revoking Possession and Acquisition Licences.
+
== Links ==
 
+
* http://thefederalist.com/2015/12/15/why-congress-cut-the-cdcs-gun-research-budget/
;[[1996]]
+
The provisions requiring mandatory minimum sentences for serious firearms crimes came into effect in January. The [[Canada Firearms Centre]] (CFC) was given the task to develop the regulations, systems and infrastructure needed to implement the Firearms Act. CFC officials consulted extensively with the provinces and territories, and with groups and individuals with an interest in firearms, to ensure that the regulations reflected their needs as much as possible.
+
 
+
The Minister of Justice tabled proposed regulations on [[November 27]]. These dealt with such matters as:
+
 
+
:all fees payable under the Firearms Act;
+
:licensing requirements for firearms owners;
+
:safe storage, display and transportation requirements for individuals and businesses;
+
:[[ATT|authorizations to transport]] restricted or prohibited firearms;
+
:[[ATC|authorizations to carry]] restricted firearms and prohibited handguns for limited purposes;
+
:authorizations for businesses to import or export firearms;
+
:conditions for transferring firearms from one owner to another;
+
:record-keeping requirements for businesses;
+
:adaptations for Aboriginal people
+
 
+
;[[1997]]
+
In January and February, public hearings on the proposed regulations were held by the House of Commons Sub-Committee on the Draft Regulations on Firearms, of the Standing Committee of Justice and Legal Affairs, and by the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee. Based on the presentations that were made, a number of recommendations were made for improvements to the regulations. These recommendations were to clarify various provisions and to give more recognition to legitimate needs of firearms users. The Committee also recommended that the government develop a variety of communications programs to provide information on the new law to groups and individuals with an interest in firearms.
+
 
+
In April, the Minister of Justice tabled the government's response, accepting all but one of the Committee's 39 recommendations. The government rejected a recommendation for an additional procedure in the licence approval process.
+
 
+
In October, the Minister of Justice tabled some amendments to the 1996 regulations. She also tabled additional regulations at that time, dealing with:
+
 
+
:firearms registration certificates;
+
:exportation and importation of firearms;
+
:the operation of shooting clubs and shooting ranges;
+
:gun shows
+
:special authority to possess; and
+
:public agents
+
 
+
;[[1998]]
+
The regulations were passed in March. The Firearms Act and regulations are being phased in starting [[December 1]], 1998.
+
 
+
;[[2001]]
+
As of [[January 1]], 2001, Canadians needed a licence to possess and acquire firearms.
+
 
+
The National Weapons Enforcement Support Team (NWEST) was created to support law enforcement in combating the illegal movement of firearms. NWEST also assists police agencies in investigative support, training and lectures, analytical assistance, firearms tracing, expert witnesses, and links to a network of national and international firearms investigative groups.
+
 
+
;[[2003]]
+
As of [[January 1]], 2003, individuals needed a valid licence and registration certificate for all firearms in their possession, including non-restricted rifles and shotguns. Firearms businesses also required a valid business licence and registration certificate for all firearms in their inventory.
+
 
+
The [[Canada Firearms Centre]] was transferred from the Department of Justice on [[April 14]], 2003, and becomes an independent agency within the Solicitor General Portfolio.
+
 
+
On [[May 13]], 2003, [[Bill C-10A]], An Act to Amend the Criminal Code (Firearms) and the Firearms Act received Royal Assent. Statutory authority of all operations was consolidated under the [[Canadian Firearms Commissioner]], who reported directly to the Solicitor General, now known as the Minister of Public Safety Canada.
+
 
+
A [[Commissioner of Firearms]], who has overall responsibility for the administration of the program, was appointed.
+
 
+
In [[June 2003]], proposed amendments to the Regulations supporting the Firearms Act were tabled in Parliament. Consultations with key stakeholders concerning the proposed regulations took place in the fall of 2003.
+
 
+
;[[2005]]
+
Some Bill C-10A regulations - those which improve service delivery, streamline processes and improve transparency and accountability - came into effect.
+
 
+
;[[2006]]
+
Responsibility for the administration of the Firearms Act and the operation of the Canada Firearms Centre was transferred to the RCMP in [[May 2006]]. The Commissioner of the RCMP assumed the role of the [[Commissioner of Firearms]].
+
 
+
In [[June 2006]], [[Bill C-21]], An Act to Amend the Criminal Code and the Firearms Act, was tabled, with the intent of repealing the requirement to register non-restricted long guns. It dies on the order paper.
+
 
+
;[[2007]]
+
Bill C-21 was re-introduced as [[Bill C-24]].
+
 
+
;[[2008]]
+
The RCMP amalgamated their firearms-related sections, the Canada Firearms Centre and the Firearms Support Services Directorate, into one integrated group, the [[Canadian Firearms Program]] (CFP).
+
 
+
Bill C-24, like its predecessor, Bill C-21, died on the order paper in [[September 2008]].
+
 
+
The remainder of the Public Agents Firearms Regulations came into force on [[October 31]], 2008. Police and other government agencies that use or hold firearms were required to report all firearms in their temporary or permanent possession.
+

Latest revision as of 15:02, 22 December 2015

[edit] Why Congress Cut The CDC’s Gun Research Budget

The Centers for Disease Control was using taxpayer money to pay for biased advocacy studies about guns and gun control.

Not long ago, after the mass shooting in Sandy Hook, President Obama issued an executive order that lifted the Center for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) ban on researching gun violence. Despite this, some say the CDC has still not touched gun violence because Congress has blocked funding for this.

Congress removed the CDC’s $2.6 million budget for research into this subject in 1997, after the National Rifle Association (NRA) asked for congressional intervention. But why?

If you were to ask mainstream media outlets that have weighed in, they would tell you the NRA and gun-rights advocates are afraid of what the studies would find, and that the ban came after a damning study concluded guns do cause violence. For this reason gun-rights advocates lobbied to effectively ban the CDC from conducting research on firearm violence altogether.

Firstly, CDC was not banned from doing the research. In fact, CDC articles pertaining to firearms have held steady since the defunding, and even increased to 121 in 2013.

CDC very recently released a 16-page report that was commissioned by the city council of Wilmington, Delaware, on factors contributing to its abnormally high gun crime, and methods of prevention. The study weighed factors such as where the guns were coming from, the sex of the offenders, likeliness of committing a gun crime, and how unemployment plays a factor. In other words it studied, the environment surrounding the crime.

This did not go over well with some in the media, who were disappointed it didn’t implicate firearms as a cause and not an effect. Kate Masters of VICE.com wrote, “If the CDC wasn’t going to consider the role of firearms in Wilmington’s gun crimes, why do the study at all?” That sounds an awful lot like, “If you have nothing bad to say about guns, then don’t say anything.”

Regardless, the narrative here is that gun lobbyists are injecting politics into a serious health issue for the American public. The truth is something a bit less clandestine, at least coming from NRA and Congress.

[edit] CDC Leaders Admit They Want to Ban Guns

In the late ’80s and early ’90s, the CDC was openly biased in opposing gun rights. CDC official and research head Patrick O’Carroll stated in a 1989 issue of The Journal of the American Medical Association, “We’re going to systematically build a case that owning firearms causes deaths.” This sounds more like activist rhetoric than it does scientific research, as O’Carroll effectively set out with the goal of confirmation bias, saying “We will prove it,” and not the scientific objectiveness of asking “Does it?”

Leftquot.png ‘It used to be that smoking was a glamour symbol — cool, sexy, macho. Now it is dirty, deadly — and banned.’ Rightquot.png

O’Carroll went on to deny he had said this, claiming he was misquoted. However, his successor and director of the CDC National Center of Injury Prevention branch Mark Rosenberg told Rolling Stone in 1993 that he “envisions a long term campaign, similar to tobacco use and auto safety, to convince Americans that guns are, first and foremost, a public health menace.” He went on to tell the Washington Post in 1994 “We need to revolutionize the way we look at guns, like what we did with cigarettes. It used to be that smoking was a glamour symbol — cool, sexy, macho. Now it is dirty, deadly — and banned.”

CDC leaders were not shy about their intentions of banning guns from the public. Sure enough, they acted on their desires. In October 1993, The New England Journal of Medicine released a study funded by the CDC to the tune of $1.7 million, entitled “Gun Ownership as a Risk Factor for Homicide in the Home.” The leader author was Dr. Arthur Kellermann, an epidemiologist, physician, and outspoken advocate of gun control.

In the study, Kellerman concluded that people who kept guns in their homes were 2.7 times more likely to be homicide victims as people who don’t. Major media outlets, such as the New York Times, still cite these statistics.

Unreliable Gun Research However, the research was beyond flawed. For one, Kellermann used epidemiological methods in an attempt to investigate an issue dealing with criminology. In effect, this means he was treating gun violence the same as, say, the spread of West Nile, or bird flu.

Leftquot.png It provided no proof or examples that the murder weapon used in these crimes belonged to the homeowner or had been kept in that home. Rightquot.png

Furthermore, the gun victims he studied were anomalies. They were selected from homicide victims living in metropolitan areas with high gun-crime statistics, which completely discounted the statistical goliath of areas where gun owners engage in little to no crime.

Other factors that lent to the study’s unreliability were: It is based entirely on people murdered in their homes, with 50 percent admitting this was the result of a “quarrel or romantic triangle,” and 30 percent said it was during a drug deal or other felonies such as rape or burglary; it made no consideration for guns used in self-defense; it provided no proof or examples that the murder weapon used in these crimes belonged to the homeowner or had been kept in that home.

These problems prompted objections and questions from leading scientists in the field of criminology, such as Yale University professor John Lott, Florida State’s Gary Kleck, and University of Massachusetts sociology professors James D. Wright and Peter H. Rossi. Their research had come to vastly different conclusions, and they found the methodology unsound.

As Lott says of Kellermann’s study in his book, “More Guns, Less Crime”:

Leftquot.png To demonstrate this, suppose that we use the same statistical method—with a matching control group—to do a study on the efficacy of hospital care. Assume that we collect data just as these authors did, compiling a list of all the people who died in a particular county over the period of a year. Then we ask their relatives whether they had been admitted to the hospital during the previous year. We also put together a control sample consisting of neighbors who are part of the same sex, race, and age group. Then we ask these men and women whether they have been in a hospital during the past year. My bet is that those who spent time in hospitals are much more likely to have died — quite probably a stronger relationship than that between homicides and gun ownership in Kellerman’s study. If so, would we take that as evidence that hospitals kill people?

He summarized, “it’s like comparing 100 people who went to a hospital in a given year with 100 similar people who did not, finding that more of the hospital patients died, and then announcing that hospitals increase the risk of death.”

Rightquot.png

The final nail in the coffin came in 1995 when the Injury Prevention Network Newsletter told its readers to “organize a picket at gun manufacturing sites” and to “work for campaign finance reform to weaken the gun lobby’s political clout.” Appearing on the same page as the article pointing the finger at gun owners for the Oklahoma City bombing were the words, “This newsletter was supported in part by Grant #R49/CCR903697-06 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.”

Tax Dollars Shouldn’t Aim to Influence Politics After these blatant attempts at gun control, the NRA blew the whistle on the CDC and prompted Congress to take action. They did, stripping CDC’s funding for research into firearm crime.

Leftquot.png Political bias was already present, and the NRA and Congress acted to remove it. Rightquot.png

Those who accuse the NRA, Republicans, and gun advocates of attempting to inject their political bias into federal research on gun crime are not telling the whole story. With the picture complete, we can see that political bias was already present, and the NRA and Congress had acted to remove it.

In effect, the CDC was using taxpayer money to inject a biased and false narrative into the American discussion on firearms. It wasn’t doing research, it was creating propaganda.

CDC was being used as a political tool to become the Center for Gun Control, and while there are firearm-related elements the CDC’s expertise would be well-suited for (take the Wilmington report, for instance), the subject of gun crime should not be turned into an epidemiological issue.

A gun will not give you cancer, nor cause you to contract AIDS. Guns do not carry viruses like mosquitos. Gun crime should be dealt with as the thing that it is: crime.

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